Reporting from Moscow -- By an old-fashioned score card, President Obama didn't exactly rack up a decisive victory during his two-day visit with Russian leaders this week, leaving town with a few agreements on nuclear disarmament and the proceeds of several photo-ops.
But as Obama ended his whirlwind series of meetings here late Tuesday, the president and his staff argued for a different scorekeeping system, one they said better suits an emerging, multipolar world.
But as Obama ended his whirlwind series of meetings here late Tuesday, the president and his staff argued for a different scorekeeping system, one they said better suits an emerging, multipolar world.
Asked whether Obama "won" during his talks with Russian leaders, a key White House aide testily dismissed the question as a "really bad" one.
"I keep saying this is not 1974," said Mike McFaul, Obama's senior director for Russia and Eurasia. "It's not a zero-sum game. It's exactly what we're trying to get away from."
Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev agreed on a modest reduction in nuclear arsenals and to increase cooperation in the Afghanistan war. But differences over missile defense, Iran and human rights lingered as the summit ended.
"I keep saying this is not 1974," said Mike McFaul, Obama's senior director for Russia and Eurasia. "It's not a zero-sum game. It's exactly what we're trying to get away from."
Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev agreed on a modest reduction in nuclear arsenals and to increase cooperation in the Afghanistan war. But differences over missile defense, Iran and human rights lingered as the summit ended.
As Obama put it, success in the 21st century can't be crafted in a few days by a few leaders.
"There was a time when Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin could shape the world in one meeting," Obama said. "Those days are over. The world is more complex today."
Senior Russian officials agreed, speaking about the mutual achievements of the talks.
But state-run Russian media measured the performances and analyzed aspects of the talks to try to see who came out ahead. For instance, after Obama met with Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, considered by many to be the heavy hand guiding Russia from behind the scenes, analysts tried to gauge Obama's toughness as an American president.
But at the close of the Russian tour, the White House said repeatedly that the president had been trying not to dominate a few officials, but instead to recalibrate relations with an entire country.
After meeting with Russian leaders, Obama spoke to business leaders holding their own summit at a Moscow exhibition hall. He met with dissidents and opposition leaders, including chess legend Garry Kasparov, Leonid Gozman of the Right Cause Party and Boris Nemtsov of the Solidarity movement.
And in a bit of stagecraft that the White House team frequently employs, the president took his message outside the realm of officialdom and spoke to a large assembly of young, educated people -- in this case at the commencement ceremonies of the New Economic School.
None of the domestic channels carried Obama's speech live. The event was more heavily attended by Western-leaning intelligentsia and business community representatives than by members of Russia's ruling elite. Still, Russian media zeroed in on subtle shifts in rhetoric, such as Obama's comment that NATO sought to cooperate with, not antagonize, Russia.
"He delivered a strong message in a soft tone," said Vladimir Milov, president of the Moscow-based Institute of Energy Policy. "It was a very stark contrast to speeches given by President Bush."
Beneath his meticulously respectful tone, Obama touched on long-standing points of contention with the Russian government: the importance of the sovereignty of Ukraine and Georgia, and Russia's autocratic political environment.
Later, aides said the approach reflected Obama's view that finger-wagging by an American president won't promote democracy and human rights around the globe.
In fact, when Obama met with Putin, the men did not have a direct conversation about contentious issues, White House aides said. Russian opposition leaders didn't ask him to do otherwise, McFaul said.
"That's not what they wanted," McFaul said. "They didn't ask him to do those things. They were very, very clear about that."
Opposition leader Nemtsov said that during the meeting with dissidents, Obama showed he was aware of Russia's autocratic tendencies, but was also pragmatic.
"He understands that America and Russia face huge problems, huge threats: the Taliban in Afghanistan, North Korean missiles, Iran," he said. "No matter who's in charge inside the Kremlin, America has to connect."
Obama's Tuesday morning meeting with Putin ran over schedule because of a discussion about Iran, a government spokesman said.
"Obama said emphatically that Russia and the United States could cooperate more intensively on Iran, that Russia's role is extremely important there," said the spokesman, Yuri Ushakov. "Obama made it understood that America wanted Russia to remain in one boat with the Americans."
That was the message the American delegation sought to deliver throughout the trip. But whether the president succeeded on that or on other goals is hard to determine in what McFaul called a single "press cycle."
"We didn't solve everything in two days," McFaul said. "That would be impossible. But I think we came a long way in terms of developing both a relationship that advances our national interest with the government and also laying out a philosophy about foreign policy that includes engaging a society."
cparsons@latimes.com
megan.stack@latimes.com
"There was a time when Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin could shape the world in one meeting," Obama said. "Those days are over. The world is more complex today."
Senior Russian officials agreed, speaking about the mutual achievements of the talks.
But state-run Russian media measured the performances and analyzed aspects of the talks to try to see who came out ahead. For instance, after Obama met with Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, considered by many to be the heavy hand guiding Russia from behind the scenes, analysts tried to gauge Obama's toughness as an American president.
But at the close of the Russian tour, the White House said repeatedly that the president had been trying not to dominate a few officials, but instead to recalibrate relations with an entire country.
After meeting with Russian leaders, Obama spoke to business leaders holding their own summit at a Moscow exhibition hall. He met with dissidents and opposition leaders, including chess legend Garry Kasparov, Leonid Gozman of the Right Cause Party and Boris Nemtsov of the Solidarity movement.
And in a bit of stagecraft that the White House team frequently employs, the president took his message outside the realm of officialdom and spoke to a large assembly of young, educated people -- in this case at the commencement ceremonies of the New Economic School.
None of the domestic channels carried Obama's speech live. The event was more heavily attended by Western-leaning intelligentsia and business community representatives than by members of Russia's ruling elite. Still, Russian media zeroed in on subtle shifts in rhetoric, such as Obama's comment that NATO sought to cooperate with, not antagonize, Russia.
"He delivered a strong message in a soft tone," said Vladimir Milov, president of the Moscow-based Institute of Energy Policy. "It was a very stark contrast to speeches given by President Bush."
Beneath his meticulously respectful tone, Obama touched on long-standing points of contention with the Russian government: the importance of the sovereignty of Ukraine and Georgia, and Russia's autocratic political environment.
Later, aides said the approach reflected Obama's view that finger-wagging by an American president won't promote democracy and human rights around the globe.
In fact, when Obama met with Putin, the men did not have a direct conversation about contentious issues, White House aides said. Russian opposition leaders didn't ask him to do otherwise, McFaul said.
"That's not what they wanted," McFaul said. "They didn't ask him to do those things. They were very, very clear about that."
Opposition leader Nemtsov said that during the meeting with dissidents, Obama showed he was aware of Russia's autocratic tendencies, but was also pragmatic.
"He understands that America and Russia face huge problems, huge threats: the Taliban in Afghanistan, North Korean missiles, Iran," he said. "No matter who's in charge inside the Kremlin, America has to connect."
Obama's Tuesday morning meeting with Putin ran over schedule because of a discussion about Iran, a government spokesman said.
"Obama said emphatically that Russia and the United States could cooperate more intensively on Iran, that Russia's role is extremely important there," said the spokesman, Yuri Ushakov. "Obama made it understood that America wanted Russia to remain in one boat with the Americans."
That was the message the American delegation sought to deliver throughout the trip. But whether the president succeeded on that or on other goals is hard to determine in what McFaul called a single "press cycle."
"We didn't solve everything in two days," McFaul said. "That would be impossible. But I think we came a long way in terms of developing both a relationship that advances our national interest with the government and also laying out a philosophy about foreign policy that includes engaging a society."
cparsons@latimes.com
megan.stack@latimes.com
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